Mandatory affordable housing
in new condos
As David Reevely's column below states, the federal and Ontario
governments will not—or cannot—fund any new affordable housing projects
so the provincial and municipal governments are moving from their
present position of encouraging condominium developers to add a few
affordable units to their new developments to forcing condominium
developers to add affordable housing to all new projects.
The latest one to jump on this bandwagon is Liberal MPP Peter Milczyn,
a long-time Toronto councillor who introduced Bill 39, the Planning
Statue Law Amendment Act, into Queens Park and it has passed Second
Reading.
Its main goal is to severely limit the OMB's powers and give the
municipalities more power to decide what kind of development should be
built in heir communities.
This Bill will also give the municipalities the power to force
developers to add affordable rent and family-size units in their new
developments if a
rezoning permit is required.
Who wins?
The federal and provincial governments are the big winners as they will
be able to download most future social housing costs onto the private
developers who will pass them on to individual condo owners.
Since the two levels of government will not have to fund the building
of new affordable housing, they won't have to raise taxes to pay for
them.
The municipalities will love this because they will not have to
maintain new affordable housing units, that responsibility will, at
least partially, be absorbed by the condo corporation.
The social agencies that will be granted the contracts to manage the
new affordable units are winners as they can hire more staff and they
get to decide who will get the privilege to move into these new units.
Who loses
The developers pick up the initial tab but they pass the extra costs on
to the people who buy the new units. So this is a short-term cost for
them.
The owners that initially buy the units are the first ones to pay as
part of their purchasing costs help pay for the construction of the
affordable units.
Then they, and all future purchasers of these units—when they go on the
resale market—will pay extra common element fees and, depending on how
the declaration is written, extra special assessment costs or loan
costs to help subsidize the affordable units.
Somebody
has to pick up the tab
If the different levels of government demand that the private sector
build affordable units and then help maintain them, then it is the
condo owners who will stuck with the bill.
—†—
Bill would neuter Ontario Municipal Board
Ottawa Citizen
25 November 2014
David
Reevely
City councillors who’ve moaned for years that they’re helpless to
control controversial development projects could soon get all the power
they’ve said they wanted.
A private member’s bill from rookie Liberal MPP Peter Milczyn would
sharply limit the authority of the Ontario Municipal Board, a
provincial tribunal that can overrule city councils’ planning
decisions. More rezonings than I can count have rolled through Ottawa
city council with politicians saying they don’t like them, but the OMB
will just approve them anyway.
Not anymore, if Milczyn gets his way.
His bill isn’t government legislation, whose success would be almost
certain, but it’s been moved through Queen’s Park so far with votes
from both Liberals and New Democrats. It passed its last vote 34-7.
It’s shot through with the idea that urban planning is significantly a
matter of philosophy, and therefore the domain of representative
politicians — not a science only for credentialed experts.
Milczyn, an architect, is a new MPP but he was in Toronto city politics
on and off for 20 years. His last gig as a city councillor was chairing
Toronto’s planning committee. He knows this stuff as well as anybody.
“These reforms would allow development to continue apace,” Milczyn said
in the legislature, explaining the bill. “They would ensure, however,
that those who are elected in their local councils, when they stand up,
pass a bylaw and tell their residents that the process that they
participated in to establish a bylaw or an official plan or a secondary
plan —that it has some meaning, that zoning bylaws don’t simply become
zoning guidelines and official plans don’t simply become something that
can be amended on a daily basis.”
To start with, the bill would make it impossible to appeal cities’ own
decisions about their official land-use plans for five years after they
come into effect. That’s a big, big deal.
Ottawa, obeying provincial law, revises its official plan every five
years already. It’s a gruesome process, involving very major decisions
about what neighbourhoods should grow and which ones shouldn’t and — a
big-money question for developers — which green fields on the edges of
town should be opened for new subdivisions. Landowners always appeal.
Last time, the city was already working on the new version before it
got a final OMB ruling on the one from years earlier. The OMB threw out
a city council effort to rein in suburban sprawl, resulting in 1,100
hectares (or nearly 70 Lansdowne Parks) being opened for development
against city council’s wishes.
On individual projects, the OMB would still have a place but it’d be
much more restricted. The law currently says the board must “have
regard to” city council decisions. Milczyn’s changes would require most
important OMB rulings to “be consistent with” what city councils have
said. Much more deferential.
affordable units
The third big thing the bill would do is give cities the power to
require developers to include “affordable” units in buildings that need
significant rezonings. It would cost developers money, so we could
expect a lot of brinkmanship over whether imposing such a demand would
screw up the economics of a particular proposal so badly it wouldn’t be
worth doing. Councillors couldn’t push too hard. But it would give
toothless targets — Ottawa has one for 25 per cent affordable housing
in new developments, which we’ve never met — some bite.
Note: As you can read below, Peter Milczyn, in his website, downplays
the "affordable units" part of his Bill 39 and mentions it in only six
words: "the provision of affordable housing".
The Tories voted against the Milczyn bill because, as their municipal
affairs critic Ernie Hardeman said, much of it “eliminates the ability
of having a real appeal” for city council decisions. There is a real
division that has to be acknowledged, between larger cities with
full-time city councillors and planning departments, and smaller towns
with less professional organizations.
Arthur Potts is a Liberal who voted for the bill. He represents
Beaches-East York in Toronto, about as urban a riding as you’ll find.
He addressed Hardeman, who represents Oxford — a rural riding west of
Brantford centred on Woodstock.
“I get the sense that your residents’ associations want to use the OMB
to protect against bad decision-making at a local level, where our
residents’ associations don’t want the OMB to protect developers from
good decision-making in our municipalities,” Potts told him.
But, he said, the important thing is to force decision-making into the
hands of local politicians, not an unelected board.
Exactly. Into the hands of people who have to answer for their
decisions to voters.
—†—
Queen’s Park newcomer aims to move the yardsticks on housing: Goar
Toronto Star
By: Carol Goar Star Columnist
25 Nov 2014
It was a modest breakthrough. But in the fight for affordable housing,
every victory counts.
Last week, Peter Milczyn, the newly elected MPP for
Etobicoke-Lakeshore, introduced his first private member’s bill: the
Planning Statute Amendment Act. If it passes — and that’s a big if — it
would give municipalities across Ontario the authority to direct
developers to set aside a number of units in every residential project
as affordable housing.
It’s called inclusionary zoning. The idea is not new, but it has never
gained enough traction at Queen’s Park to become law.
What is different this time is the bill’s sponsor is a member of
Premier Kathleen Wynne’s government. It set off a flurry of online
cheers, tweets and e-mail exchanges among housing activists. Even
Jennifer Keesmat, Toronto’s chief planner, got into the act. “Peter
Milczyn introduced essential changes to improve planning in Ontario.
Exciting!” she tweeted.
His bill would amend the Planning Act, the City of Toronto Act and the
Building Code Act, giving cities a new tool to address the chronic
scarcity of affordable accommodation in their jurisdiction. It would
give the 165,000 Ontario households on the waiting list for social
housing a sliver of hope. And it would allow urban planners such as
Keesmat to accelerate Toronto’s move toward a mix of market-priced and
rent-geared-to-income housing.
Inclusionary zoning is certainly not the whole answer to the shelter
woes of low-income Ontarians. But it would make a tangible difference.
“It aims to restore local decision-making,” Milczyn told the
legislature. “This bill will grant municipalities the right to promote
(a) built form that is well-designed, encourages a sense of place and
provides for public spaces that are of high quality, safe, accessible,
attractive and vibrant.”
Hundreds of communities in the U.S. have implemented some form of
inclusionary zoning since the mid-1970s. In Canada, it has been
studied, promoted by anti-poverty advocates and debated by legislators
for at least a decade. Parkdale-High Park New Democrat Cheri di Novo
has put no fewer than five private member’s bills on the order paper
calling for inclusionary zoning.
But Milczyn is the first MPP from government ranks to champion the
concept. As an architect, he knows it is feasible. As a 14-year veteran
of Toronto city council — and chair of its planning growth management
committee — he has consulted with developers, community groups and
planners in other municipalities.
Typically, 10 to 30 per cent of the units in new residential
developments are set aside as affordable housing. Milczyn estimates
that would work out to about 20 units per project. He isn’t rigid about
the formula or the implementation. The designated units could be handed
over to a non-profit housing organization such as Habitat for Humanity,
he says. They could be entrusted to the city to rent out at an
affordable rate. Or the developer could donate the cash equivalent of
their value to build affordable housing elsewhere.
He projects a newcomer’s confidence that all or most of the provisions
of Bill 39 will eventually become law. His supporters are less sure:
• The odds of a private member’s bill being enacted are extremely low.
Most run aground at the committee stage or die on the order paper, as
Di Novo’s five-year crusade for inclusionary zoning illustrates.
• The government is sending mixed signals. If this were a Liberal
priority, the bill would have come from Housing Minister Ted McMeekin,
not a first-term backbencher.
• Condo developers, on whom the Liberal Party of Ontario relies for
election funds, don’t like the prospect. To them it constitutes an
additional tax.
• Purchasers of new condos and townhouses don’t like the idea. They
fear it will lower the value of their market-priced units.
Even some anti-poverty groups don’t like it. They contend inclusionary
zoning serves moderate-income households, not those in the greatest
need.
Given their choice, most housing advocates would rather have a
comprehensive national housing strategy or an aggressive provincial
investment program in affordable housing than a zoning adjustment. But
neither of those is on offer. Harper is ideologically opposed to
national social programs and Wynne, constrained by a $12.5-billion
deficit, is promising a mere $80 million a year.
Inclusionary zoning is within political reach. All it would take is an
effort of will at Queen’s Park.
—†—
Private Member’s Bill 39
Planning Statue Law Amendment Act
Liberal MPP Peter Milczyn
"Over the course of the summer I spoke to many Etobicoke Lakeshore
residents about my commitment to attempt to make much needed changes to
the Planning Act.
I am pleased to advise you that on November 20, 2014 my Private
Member's Bill, "Bill 39, An Act to amend the City of Toronto Act, 2006,
the Planning Act and certain regulations" passed second reading in the
Ontario Legislature by a vote of 34 - 7. Bill 39 may go before
the Legislature's Standing Committee on General Government over the
winter or spring.
In late 2013, as Chair of the City of Toronto's Planning and Growth
Management Committee, I led Toronto's process to develop a response to
the Ontario government's consultation on Planning Act reforms. Toronto
City Council overwhelmingly endorsed a series of positions upon which
my bill is formulated.
The Hon. Ted McMeekin, Minister of Municipal Affairs and Housing, is
currently conducting a review, and is likely to bring forward
legislation next year to reform the provincial Planning Act. My Bill is
designed to accelerate the debate and generate more interest in the
issue in order to influence government policy.
This Bill proposes changes to the planning process in Ontario that
follow three broad themes;
• Restore more local decision making on planning matters to
municipalities
• Modernize aspects of the planning process in Ontario
• Grant municipalities more powers to address the impacts of growth and
development.
It also contains some amendments to the City of Toronto Act which
address specific concerns of the City of Toronto, most notably as they
relate to the establishment of a Local Appeal Body by the city.
Restoring more local decision making on planning matters to
municipalities.
Bill 39 would ensure local municipalities have the final word on many
planning matters, and that the scope of the Ontario Municipal Board
(OMB) to overturn municipal planning decisions would be limited, while
balancing the need to maintain a mechanism to appeal faulty decisions.
The OMB is a politically appointed, quasi-judicial board with the power
to overrule municipal governments' planning decisions.
These measures will restore the public's confidence in the planning
system, restore accountability to elected officials and potentially
save municipalities significant resources that are expended on
preparing for and defending against numerous appeals.
Under the bill, municipally initiated Official Plan Amendments, and
zoning bylaws that implement them, and approved site-specific zoning
bylaws, once passed, would no longer be subject to appeal to the OMB
for a period of five years. Meaning that if a municipality
refuses to make a change to these documents there would be no right to
appeal. If changes are granted by a municipality appeals could
proceed.
However, the rules of evidence would be tightened at the OMB to limit
only evidence that was before the City Council as part of the decision
making process to be used at the OMB, the need to clearly and
specifically outline the reasons for an appeal will mandated, and
finally the OMB would be required to make decisions that are consistent
with municipal decisions and plans. These are significant changes
from the current practices.
The Bill will also allow a municipality to restrict developers from
seeking minor variances for three years after the passage of a zoning
bylaw.
By significantly reducing the number and type of appeals to the Ontario
Municipal Board municipalities will be able to concentrate their
efforts on more pro-active planning, save significant time and money
preparing for and defending at the OMB, as well as being more confident
in finding planning solutions which are right for their communities.
Modernize
aspects of the planning process in Ontario
The Bill will allow for electronic notice to be given of various
planning meetings and applications thereby making information more
accessible and saving municipalities' money.
The process of seeking "minor" variances from local Committees of
Adjustment has long frustrated residents and community groups.
There are four tests to determine what is a "minor" variance under the
Planning Act, and three of the four tests are subjective and vague. The
definition of minor variance should be enacted by regulation. The idea
is it could cap the percentage or deviation of a variance from a bylaw.
Such a reform is long overdue.
Municipalities will be granted more power to establish and fund the
creation of Local Appeal Bodies to hear appeals of Minor Variance
applications, rather than having those matters go before the OMB.
While still on City Council I led the Council to approve the creation
of a City of Toronto Local Appeal Body, but this was subject to getting
the power to fund and manage the Local Appeal Body.
Grant municipalities more powers to address the impacts of growth and
development it would give municipalities the right to demand
"excellence in design" in development and require developers to provide
for public spaces that are "high quality, safe, accessible, attractive
and vibrant.
The bill would grant municipalities the power to address a chronic
shortage of affordable housing by requiring developments with 20 or
more new housing units to provide a portion that is affordable, whether
that be, ownership, rental or not-for-profit housing.
The bill would also lengthen the time municipalities would have to
review applications before allowable appeals could be filed to the OMB.
The time to review Official Plan Amendments (OPA) and concurrent zoning
bylaw amendments to an OPA would extend from 180 days to 240 days, and
a zoning bylaw amendment from 120 days to 180 days to allow
municipalities more time without the threat of a pre-emptive appeal to
the OMB.
How the
amendments would apply to the City of Toronto
Conditions imposed upon development proposals would be able to be
registered on title of the property to prevent subsequent developers
who buy properties to avoid complying with previously approved
conditions of rezoning.
When the City of Toronto would pass an Interim Control By-law to
prevent redevelopment in an area until the City completes a thorough
planning review such a by-law cannot be appealed to the OMB.
This would give the City up to one year to conduct proper study and
analysis of a neighbourhood, street, or district.
Additional powers be granted to set fees and require mediation for the
City's Local Appeal Board for Committee of Adjustment matters.
All of these measures combined would significantly increase the ability
to control and regulate development and afford greater stability and
certainty to local communities about future redevelopment.
Defining what a minor variance actually is would be a significant
achievement as well.
The ability to ensure better design, significant public spaces, and the
provision of affordable housing would all improve the quality of life
in cities and towns all across Ontario.
I will continue to update you on the progress of this Bill through the
Legislature as well as steps the government is taking on planning
reform and other related issues."
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